Fix The NSC: A Warning & Roadmap For Trump’s Second Term

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American Liberty News
- June 3, 2026
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The House of Representatives on Wednesday approved a war powers resolution aimed at ending unauthorized U.S. military involvement in Iran, marking the most significant congressional challenge yet to President Donald Trump’s handling of the conflict.

The measure, sponsored by Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.) invokes the 1973 War Powers Resolution and would require the administration to obtain explicit authorization from Congress before continuing hostilities against Iran, except in cases involving an imminent threat to the United States. The vote followed months of growing bipartisan concern over a conflict that began in.

Screenshot via X [Credit: @amuse]
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A Call to Action: Reforming the National Security Council

Joshua Steinman, the former senior director for cyber on President Trump’s National Security Council (NSC), has issued a stark warning to the incoming president that demands immediate attention. Steinman, who loyally served from Trump’s first day in office to his last, cautions that mistakes in NSC staffing could spell disaster for the administration’s second term, leading to either ineffectiveness or outright betrayal. His insights form a compelling argument for a complete overhaul of the NSC as the cornerstone of Trump’s efforts to govern effectively.

The NSC, as Steinman explains, is not merely a bureaucratic appendage. It is the quarterback of the White House—the entity tasked with ensuring that the president’s directives are executed seamlessly across the vast machinery of the federal government. “If the president is the owner of the football team, the NSC is the quarterback,” he asserts, underscoring the centrality of this institution in driving the administration’s policy agenda. And yet, Steinman’s concerns suggest that the team surrounding this quarterback may not be up to the task.

Reflecting on Trump’s first term, Steinman identifies a critical error: the decision to retain approximately 50% of the NSC staff from the Obama administration. This hesitation to implement a sweeping purge, according to Steinman, allowed disloyal actors to undermine Trump’s policies. Some of these holdovers allegedly continued to operate under Obama-era guidance until explicitly instructed otherwise. Steinman’s message is clear: “Removing people like this isn’t personal; it’s just prudent.”

The stakes are high. Steinman contrasts Trump’s initial approach with the swift and decisive action taken by President Biden, who executed a comprehensive purge of Trump-aligned NSC staff upon taking office. This move ensured that Biden’s team could implement his agenda without interference from ideological adversaries. Critics labeled Biden’s actions a “purge” and raised concerns about the politicization of traditionally non-partisan roles, but his administration’s determination to align its personnel with its policies proved effective in consolidating its power.

Steinman’s critique does not stop at holdovers. He raises alarms about new hires, questioning their loyalty and expertise. Among those rumored to join Trump’s team is Adam Howard, GOP Staff Director for the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (HPSCI), who is set to take the critical role of senior director for intelligence programs. Steinman questions whether Howard’s background equips him to confront potential interference from the intelligence community—a task vital to ensuring Trump’s agenda is not derailed.

The urgency of Steinman’s warning lies in the fundamental truth that personnel is policy. For Trump’s administration to succeed, the NSC must be staffed with individuals who are not only loyal to his vision but also possess the subject-matter expertise to navigate the complexities of their roles. Steinman’s concerns about Anne Neuberger, the Biden-appointed NSC cybersecurity director, exemplify this need. Her alignment with policies on artificial intelligence and tech censorship could undermine Trump’s objectives, should she remain in place.

Trump’s response to these challenges is beginning to take shape. Key appointments to his NSC include:

  • Michael Waltz, National Security Advisor: A Republican Congressman and retired Army Green Beret with a hardline stance on China.
  • Alex Wong, Deputy National Security Advisor: A seasoned diplomat who oversaw North Korea policy during Trump’s first term.
  • Sebastian Gorka, Senior Director for Counterterrorism: A known advocate for robust counterterrorism strategies.
  • Brian McCormack, Senior Advisor: An energy consultant focusing on energy security.
  • Andrew Peek, Middle East Policy Adviser: A seasoned expert on the region’s complexities.

While these appointments reflect a renewed emphasis on loyalty and alignment, Steinman’s cautionary tale lingers. The success of Trump’s second term hinges on avoiding the missteps of the first. The NSC’s ability to serve as an effective quarterback depends entirely on the quality of its staff. As Steinman aptly puts it, “The Intel Senior Director position is one of the most CRITICAL posts in U.S. Government.”

The broader implications of Steinman’s warning extend beyond Trump’s presidency. The debate over Biden’s NSC purge highlighted the tension between ensuring policy alignment and maintaining non-partisan governance. Critics, including the Heritage Foundation, argued that Biden’s actions undermined the apolitical nature of advisory roles, while supporters contended that loyalty is essential for effective governance. Trump’s administration must navigate this delicate balance, prioritizing mission alignment without descending into the partisanship that critics decry.

As Trump prepares to assume office once more, the lessons of his first term and Biden’s purge are clear: the NSC must be reimagined, restructured, and resolutely loyal to the President’s agenda. Failure to act decisively could jeopardize the very goals Trump has championed—from ending unnecessary conflicts to revitalizing the economy. Steinman’s call to action is both a warning and a roadmap: “Fix the NSC, fix the presidency.”

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4 Comments
    Robert

    Because the 2020 Presidential election appeared horrendously fraudulent, I was curious about seeming vote discrepancies in the swing states and then expanded this to Virginia and Ohio. Performing a simple math exercise appears to uncover unexplainable vote count discrepancies in, at minimum, ALL swing states, VA and Ohio. Please share with your election integrity team, the RNC, RSCC, friendly PACS, Republican candidates and computer experts. Apologies about how the following data may present.

    The data at website 270toWin, reveals glaring inconsistencies in six swing state US Senate votes as well as those for VA and OH:

    1. Add the votes cast for US House races for each state

    2. Calculate the difference between votes cast for US Senate races and total votes cast for US House races for each state

    3. Pennsylvania had one uncontested US House race (Dist 3–Phil) where votes were not reported but significantly more votes were cast for Repub House Reps in PA overall most likely dwarfing the District 3 count.

    4. Flag Item: For every state, the vote count for the Repub Senate candidate was lower than total votes cast for US House Repub Reps

    5. Flag Item: For every state, the vote count for the Dem Senate candidate was higher than total votes cast for US House Dem Reps

    Voters for House Reps are arguably more informed and engaged than those just voting for the President. The Repub Pres nominee had more votes in each swing state and Ohio. It logically follows the informed voters voting for a House Rep would also vote for their party Senate and Pres candidates. Logical conclusion is the Repub Senate candidate in each of the six swing states should have easily won unless there was significant vote INFLATION and/or DEFLATION. When viewing the data you’ll quickly see the vote INFLATION on the Democrat side accompanied by vote DEFLATION on the Republican side.

    Conclusion: We need voter ID required, paper ballots, stringent oversight of ballot handling and counting and prudent restrictions on when mail-in ballots are allowed.

    As of 241112 @ 8:00 PM EST

    2024 Swing State Votes

    Rep Pres Votes

    Rep House Votes

    Rep Senate Votes

    Difference

    Dem House Votes

    Dem Senate Votes

    Difference

    Dem Pres Votes

    Arizona

    1,693,427

    1,609,464

    1,528,297

    -81,167

    1,417,976

    1,600,923

    182,947

    1,510,940

    Michigan

    2,807,072

    2,696,235

    2,684,312

    -11,923

    2,629,907

    2,706,037

    76,130

    2,729,729

    Nevada

    734,609

    678,273

    663,290

    -14,987

    665,534

    685,637

    20,103

    688,981

    Pennsylvania

    3,515,497

    3,444,049

    3,373,383

    -70,666

    2,958,177*

    3,338,824

    380,647

    3,375,790

    Wisconsin

    1,697,784

    1,681,391

    1,643,692

    -37,699

    1,589,028

    1,672,647

    83,619

    1,668,077

    * One House Race Uncontested–No Votes Tallied

    As of 241114 @ 1:56 PM EST

    2024 Swing State Votes

    Rep Pres Votes

    Rep House Votes

    Rep Senate Votes

    Difference

    Dem House Votes

    Dem Senate Votes

    Difference

    Dem Pres Votes

    As of 24114 @1:56 PM EST

    Arizona

    1,746,083

    1,659,062

    1,574,763

    -84,299

    1,525,040

    1,653,866

    128,826

    1,561,603

    Michigan

    2,812,679

    2,696,408

    2,686,543

    -9,865

    2,630,393

    2,707,087

    76,694

    2,733,352

    Nevada

    750,095

    676,975

    691,727

    -14,752

    676,975

    699,848

    22,873

    703,902

    Pennsylvania

    3,527,799

    3,467,691*

    3,384,833

    -82,858

    2,974,167*

    3,359,090

    380,647

    3,398,271

    Wisconsin

    1,697,784

    1,681,391

    1,643,692

    -37,699

    1,589,028

    1,672,647

    83,619

    1,668,077

    * One House Race (PA 3) Uncontested–No Votes Tallied

    Virginia

    2,058,434

    2,092,857

    2,004,823

    -88,034

    2,249,618

    2,389,197

    139,579

    2,308,385

    Update as of 241120 at 9:00 pm CDT

    Update 241120

    Rep Pres Votes

    Rep House Votes

    Rep Senate Votes

    Difference

    Dem House Votes

    Dem Senate Votes

    Difference

    Dem Pres Votes

    Arizona

    1,770,242

    1,680,841

    1,595,761

    -85,080

    1,538,918

    1,676,335

    137,417

    1,582,860

    Michigan

    2,818,627

    2,704,929

    2,693,427

    -11,502

    2,635,744

    2,712,411

    76,667

    2,738,209

    Nevada

    751,205

    692,713

    677,046

    -15,667

    678,179

    701,105

    22,926

    705,197

    ,

    Pennsylvania

    3,542,474

    *3,481,047

    3,398,442

    -82,605

    2,996,719

    *3,382,125

    385,406

    3,422,029

    Wisconsin

    1,697,784

    1,681,391

    1,643,692

    -37,699

    1,589,028

    1,672,647

    83,619

    1,668,077

    Virginia

    2,075,009

    2,109,357

    2,019,822

    -89,535

    2,275,439

    2,416,698

    141,259

    2,335,076

    Ohio

    3,161,856

    3,050,772

    2,803,922

    -246,850

    2,332,521

    2,592,566

    260,045

    2,524,004

    Huapakechi

    The question becomes who can you trust? Those who reside in washington and know the warrens of power may well have allegiance contrary to our nation’s best interests. Dare we as a nation trust any of them?

    BW

    This should be a no-brainer this time around. Absolutely anyone appointed by BHO or FJB or any other Dimwit must be purged from government. They will be nothing but problems and saboteurs.

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