Mr. Due Process: 20 Judges, Dozens Of Hearings, And Millions In Legal Aid For Kilmar Abrego Garcia

United States House of Representatives - Office of Ruben Gallego, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons
American Liberty News
- June 4, 2026
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Arizona Democratic Sen. Ruben Gallego is launching an effort to challenge a new Trump Administration immigration policy that could require many green card applicants to leave the United States and complete the process abroad.

According to a report from The Hill, Gallego is not only seeking to overturn the policy itself but is also pursuing a procedural strategy that could make it easier for Congress to reverse the change.

The dispute revolves around a recent U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) policy affecting how certain immigrants obtain lawful permanent residency.

Antony-22, CC BY-SA 4.0 , via Wikimedia Commons
8 minute read

The story of Kilmar Abrego Garcia is not one of injustice, but of excess. For more than six years, the American legal system has poured its time, attention, and taxpayer dollars into one man who entered the U.S. illegally, assaulted his wife, and worked with known members of MS-13. His immigration and criminal cases have touched at least 20 judges, climbed through every rung of the judiciary, and drawn in senators, NGOs, and activist lawyers who seem determined to stretch the idea of “due process” until it means “never-ending process.” What began as a straightforward deportation has metastasized into a symbol of how the American left uses the courts to obstruct immigration enforcement and punish conservative administrations that dare to act.

There is no dispute about the facts that matter most. Garcia entered the country illegally. He admitted to abusing his wife. Federal prosecutors, state police, and multiple immigration judges concluded that he has worked with human and drug traffickers affiliated with MS-13. He was granted temporary protection from deportation in 2019, then violated that trust. The Trump administration rightly attempted to deport him under an order that should have been final. Instead, a cadre of activist judges appointed by Obama and Biden stepped in repeatedly, blocking his removal and granting hearings, stays, and injunctions that have kept him in the country for years.

By any reasonable measure, Garcia has received more due process than any citizen ever could. His saga began in 2019 when Immigration Judge David W. Jones denied asylum but granted “withholding of removal,” allowing Garcia to remain temporarily in the U.S. That was one hearing. Since then, Garcia has had at least 15 more hearings in various federal courts, and at least five appeals. He has appeared before an immigration judge, a magistrate, multiple district judges, an appellate panel, and even the Supreme Court. Nine Justices, three appellate judges, two federal district judges, one magistrate, and multiple immigration judges have all ruled on some aspect of his case. That’s over 20 judges in total. In the span of six years, Garcia has occupied more judicial time than hundreds of lawful immigrants combined.

At each stage, new rulings have layered atop the old. Even after the Supreme Court ruled unanimously in 2025 that the Trump administration had erred procedurally in a prior deportation, lower-court judges continued to intervene, issuing injunctions that effectively nullified executive authority. Judge Paula Xinis in Maryland, an Obama appointee, has been especially active in blocking deportations and ordering hearings that favor progressive legal activists. Her courtroom has become a revolving door for deportation delays. Each new ruling postpones enforcement of the law in the name of fairness, but fairness long ago gave way to paralysis.

These judicial interventions are not isolated acts of caution; they are acts of resistance. Abrego Garcia’s deportation was blocked and unblocked by judges whose sympathies align with NGOs that make a business of prolonging cases. CASA de Maryland, the ACLU, and other left-aligned groups have poured hundreds of thousands of dollars into his legal defense. Their lawyers have turned Garcia into a cause célèbre, a symbol of what they call resistance to “vindictive prosecution.” In truth, these groups have created a playbook for indefinite delay: flood the courts with motions, cry retaliation, and use sympathetic judges to keep a deportation in limbo.

The cooperation between activist NGOs and progressive judges has created an unholy alliance against enforcement. Every new filing becomes an excuse for another stay. Every stay becomes another month of sanctuary. The NGOs surrounding Garcia have mastered the art of judicial obstruction, funded, ironically, by taxpayer-supported grants and university-affiliated law clinics. Each delay imposes real costs on law enforcement, immigration courts, and public confidence. When justice is stretched this far, it stops serving the public and starts serving the defendant alone.

What is most perverse about this process is how it rewards defiance. When Garcia refused a plea deal, a federal judge rewarded him with yet another hearing. When ICE attempted to deport him to a safe third country, another judge forbade it, citing “humanitarian concerns.” When DHS tried again, still another court blocked removal, demanding new reviews. In the name of protecting one man’s rights, the judiciary has eroded the rights of the public, to safety, to order, and to see the law enforced. The net result is that Garcia remains in U.S. custody, protected by layers of legal insulation that no ordinary American could hope to enjoy.

To call this “due process” is an abuse of language. Process that never ends is not justice; it is avoidance. The framers of our Constitution envisioned checks and balances, not judicial overreach that ties the executive branch in knots. Immigration enforcement requires finality. Yet in Garcia’s case, the courts have substituted themselves for the executive, endlessly questioning and reversing administrative authority. They have transformed immigration law into a courtroom carnival of technicalities. The people’s representatives set policy. The executive executes it. The judiciary has no business endlessly rewriting or suspending it.

Each ruling that delayed Garcia’s deportation was justified in the language of compassion, but compassion for whom? For a man credibly accused of aiding traffickers? For an abuser whose wife sought court ordered protection twice? For a member of a violent gang that terrorizes American communities? Compassion without discernment is not justice. It is sentimentality posing as virtue. Meanwhile, victims of MS-13 crimes and citizens who obey the law see a system that bends backward for criminals while ignoring their safety.

This imbalance reflects a deeper sickness in our legal culture: the left’s obsession with process over outcome. The modern progressive view holds that the appearance of fairness matters more than actual justice. If a deportation is delayed, that delay itself is rebranded as a victory for “rights.” In reality, it is a defeat for sovereignty. A nation that cannot expel those who break its laws has ceased to govern itself. America is not a courtroom. It is a country, and its borders must mean something.

Garcia’s legal odyssey shows how far the activist left will go to entrench its ideology in the machinery of law. Progressive judges, aided by NGOs, have turned the judiciary into a shadow legislature, issuing de facto amnesties case by case. This subverts not only immigration law but democratic accountability. The voters elected a president to enforce immigration policy, yet unelected judges now determine who stays and who goes. That is not justice; it is usurpation.

The American legal system must rediscover restraint. Judges must remember that due process is a safeguard against arbitrary power, not a shield for those who exploit it. Congress should examine the extent to which federal courts can repeatedly block deportations that have already been adjudicated. The executive branch should refuse to indulge endless relitigation disguised as humanitarianism. And taxpayers should question why their money funds NGOs that obstruct lawful enforcement.

In the end, Garcia’s story is not about one immigrant. It is about a system that has lost its moral clarity. When a man who entered illegally, beat his wife, and consorted with traffickers can stall his deportation for six years and counting, something fundamental has gone wrong. America’s compassion has become its weakness. Its courts, designed to defend justice, are defending delay. And while judges and NGOs congratulate themselves for their conscience, the law itself bleeds authority.

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8 Comments
    Russ

    Liberals have no respect for tax dollars or the rule of law. They have their idols(Avenatt, Abrega, George Floyd etc) and no common sense or integrity.

    jobardu

    The Republicans need to take action to address this. It isn’t in their nature to do anything, but at this time, they need to break with tradition, put on their adult undergarments, and get their heads in the game.
    As initial example, they should launch counter-lawfare against Democratic actions. They need to sponsor studies of Leftist judges and these counter-intuitive legal decisions, and whether what they are doing is actionable. They need to sponsor shows of podcasts with victims of Lefty lawfare and generate public awareness and sympathy for these victims. They need to study the context of these decisions and the lack of action by SororsAGs and Leftist Mayors to show how they are not equal justice under law, not a rule of law but of lawyers instead (and corrupt ones at that), and inconsistent with the founding principles of the country and enlightenment culture. They ought to fund candidates to oppose the worst of the Democrats in a meaningful way. The Republicans haven’t exhibited any capability of doing things like this, but at least they should stay out of the way and fund people who will.

    Paul

    This is the sort of thing which could trigger another civil war supported by people who took their oath the support and defend the constitution against all enemies foreign or domestic. It’s the domestic ones who are by far the bigger threat.

    DAV

    Lie-beral Demonocrats are a cancer on our country and are as stupid as they come !

    Nunya

    Could this conduct be considered to be in violation of immigration laws? The laws say “any person”.
    Under U.S. federal law, specifically 8 U.S.C. § 1324 (see https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/8/1324), it is a crime to knowingly or recklessly harbor, conceal, or assist undocumented immigrants in evading detection, apprehension, or arrest by federal authorities such as Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).
    This includes providing shelter, transportation, or other forms of aid with the intent to shield individuals from immigration enforcement.
    The Supreme Court has clarified in United States v. Aguilar (1988) that harboring encompasses actions that substantially facilitate an undocumented immigrant’s ability to remain in the U.S. illegally, including direct aid intended to evade enforcement.

    Individuals or organizations violating these laws face serious penalties, including imprisonment of up to 7 years per violation for a basic harboring offense, with potential increases to 20 years if serious bodily injury occurs, or life imprisonment if death results.
    Fines can reach up to $250,000 for individuals or $500,000 for organizations, and assets used in or derived from such activities may be subject to forfeiture.
    Conspiracy or aiding and abetting harboring can incur the same penalties as the primary offense.

    Cities or counties that fund non-governmental organizations (NGOs) engaged in harboring or assisting undocumented immigrants to evade federal authorities may face significant legal and financial consequences, though direct criminal prosecution of local governments is rare due to jurisdictional and immunity issues.
    Potential liabilities include federal civil lawsuits, loss of federal funding under 8 U.S.C. § 1373 and related executive orders, and state-level penalties in anti-sanctuary states like Texas, where fines of up to $25,500 per day for violations have been imposed.

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