The Autopen Endorsements: Betrayal In The Name Of Trump

Let us begin with a premise so basic it should not require stating: An endorsement from a President is a deeply personal political act. It is a deliberate extension of political capital, a gesture imbued with consequence and intent. In Donald J. Trump’s case, the value of his endorsement is almost talismanic among Republican voters. It elevates, protects, and often determines electoral destiny. But what happens when the gesture is no longer personal? What if the president’s name is used, not as an expression of will, but as a tool of manipulation? What if those surrounding him use the prestige of that endorsement not to defend his agenda, but to undermine it?

Such appears to be the case with a recent spate of endorsements in Texas.

On July 9, 2025, a cascade of letters bearing Donald Trump’s “Complete and Total Endorsement” arrived in the inboxes of dozens Texas state legislators. These were not ordinary legislators. They were, in many cases, enemies of the President’s America First agenda, representatives who openly opposed Trump’s closest allies and voted to impeach Attorney General Ken Paxton, a longtime Trump supporter and ally. These lawmakers had, in most cases, colluded with Democrats to elect a House Speaker hostile to the conservative grassroots. And yet, here they are, clutching letters bearing Trump’s name and what purported to be his enthusiastic blessing.

But a close examination reveals something troubling. These endorsements did not appear on the familiar digital soil of Trump’s Truth Social or X accounts. They did not carry the familiar weight of a press release from Trump himself, as so many of his previous endorsements had. Instead, they arrived by email, delivered by Jon George, a Special Assistant to the President and Southeast Regional Political Director for the White House Office of Political Affairs, from an address tied to teamDJT.com. The stationery was not Trump campaign or presidential letterhead, but the stationary of Never Surrender, Inc., a political action committee.

Even the signature was odd. Identical across all letters, it appeared to be a copied image of an autopen-generated signature, itself a mechanized substitute for presidential intent. And rather than produce fresh autopen versions, the team behind the operation appears to have photocopied the same one across every letter. Not just automated, but lazy.

This demands explanation.

The letters were all dated June 20, 2025. Yet they were only delivered on July 9. What explains the 19-day delay? Two days before the date appearing at the top of each endorsement, the Republican Party of Texas issued a formal resolution titled “Resolution Calling for Withholding Endorsements Until the Censure Process Is Complete.” The resolution made explicit reference to Trump’s credibility and to the fact that certain Texas legislators were facing censure under Party Rule No. 44. That rule allows the party to disqualify Republican lawmakers from appearing on future primary ballots if they betray the party platform.

In other words, the Texas GOP was actively trying to expel the very people that Trump, or someone using his name, would soon endorse.

The resolution cited Trump’s past undefeated record endorsing America First candidates in the 2024 primaries and begged the president not to endorse any current Texas lawmakers until the censure process concluded on November 8, 2025. This was not subtle. Texas Republican leadership clearly believed the President was unaware of what his operatives were doing.

And they had reason to believe it. On June 23, just days after the letters were written but withheld, I wrote an op-ed titled, “Why are Matt Brasseaux and Steve Munisteri Betraying President Trump and Texas Republicans?” At the time, sources within the Texas GOP believed the endorsements would be halted precisely because they presumed Trump, when properly informed, would not authorize such support.

They were wrong.

Or more accurately, they were circumvented.

Instead of a clean withdrawal of support, the endorsements were quietly distributed weeks later by George, using the infrastructure of a political committee and not the president’s own platform. This is where the architecture of betrayal becomes visible. Jon George, though technically a White House staffer, was coordinating with Never Surrender Inc., a political action committee, to execute campaign endorsements. He used his campaign domain, his taxpayer-funded title, and political access to do what should be strictly prohibited: merge official executive duties with overt partisan political action.

This is not a gray area. It is a flagrant violation of the Hatch Act.

The Hatch Act prohibits executive branch employees from engaging in partisan political activity while acting in their official capacities. By using his White House credentials and political authority to coordinate with a PAC, George has done more than blur a line. He has obliterated it. There is no plausible deniability here. His position as Special Assistant to the President gives him daily proximity to the White House, while his actions betray a willingness to politicize that access for the benefit of establishment Republicans actively working against the MAGA agenda.

And this raises a more serious concern: What did Trump actually authorize?

Trump is a man of legendary loyalty. His vindication of Ken Paxton, his war against disloyal Republicans, and his long record of confronting the GOP establishment are not superficial performances. They are expressions of core political instinct. Does it seem likely that the same man who endorsed true America First warriors in Texas, would suddenly turn around and bless their enemies? I submit that it does not.

What seems far more plausible is that these so-called endorsements were engineered by the very people Trump should be able to trust. George, along with Matt Brasseaux, Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of Political Strategy and Outreach, appears to have orchestrated the rollout of these endorsements in a manner that bypassed both transparency and accountability.

This scheme devalues the president’s endorsement, undermines his brand, and misleads Texas voters into believing that Trump is unaware or, worse, has abandoned his own allies. It is precisely this sort of betrayal, carried out in the bureaucratic shadows, that has long bedeviled conservative reformers.

PACs are useful tools. Through Never Surrender Inc., Trump can fund races, build alliances, and project power into key districts. But those who operate its machinery must be loyal to the mission. If the money is used to reward enemies and punish allies, the entire mechanism becomes a parody of itself.

This is not merely theoretical. These endorsements may serve as a blueprint for 2026. Never Surrender Inc. is already preparing to pour millions into House and Senate races, not to mention gubernatorial contests. The risk is not that Trump will lose power, but that the people claiming to serve him will use that power to perpetuate the uniparty establishment he has spent a decade fighting.

Let us not forget: Matt Brasseaux and Jon George are not elected. They are political operatives. However competent, they are not immune from scrutiny. If they misled the President, they should be removed. If they acted with his full knowledge, they should explain to the grassroots why Never Trumpers now wear MAGA endorsements like camouflage.

For the sake of transparency, for the integrity of Trump’s political brand, and for the future of the Republican Party, this matter cannot be allowed to fade. Trump should be told, clearly and directly, that Jon George’s coordination with a political action committee while serving as a government official is both legally and morally indefensible.

Jon George must resign. Or the President must fire him.

Trump’s endorsements mean something. They should never be automated. They should never be weaponized against his own movement.

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